Saturday, June 14, 2014
In 2014 Pan Africanists will commemorate two seminal events in the history of the African liberation movement: 1) the 50th anniversary of the successful revolution in Zanzibar and 2) the 90th birthday of Mohamed Babu. Although he passed away in 1996, his life is an excellent illustration of the connections between the various movements and figures in the Black World. Sadly, so much of Babu’s immense contributions to Pan Africanist, Leftist, and progressive movements has been forgotten. This is unfortunate because of his enduring love and commitment to Zanzibar, the African continent, and humanity at large.
Babu was born in 1924 in Zanzibar, a small but historic island on the east coast of Africa. Since the 1830s, Zanzibar was dominated by Omani Sultans who were middlemen during the era of British colonialism. While studying abroad in London, Babu was attracted to radical Left wing ideas. After returning to Zanzibar, he soon became a leader in the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP), one of the preeminent Nationalist organization on the island.
As Secretary General of the ZNP, he promoted a socialist ideology and built international networks of Black and radical organizers. For example, in 1958 at the founding conference of the Pan African Movement for East and Central Africa (PAFMECA), Babu was elected secretary. Later that year while traveling to the historic All African People’s Conference in Accra, Ghana, his delegation would have a chance encounter with future Congolese head of state and Pan African icon Patrice Lumumba in Leopoldville. At this point, Lumumba was isolated and virtually unknown outside of the Congo but the invitation and travel support provided by PAFMECA allowed him to network with liberation movements throughout Africa. Lumumba would later be assassinated in a CIA-backed coup.
Once at the AAPC, Babu quickly connected with the most radical forces such as Frantz Fanon and the FLN of Algeria. Fanon, Babu, and others convinced those who had achieved independence using non-violent methods like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana that in some circumstances armed struggle is a necessity. The official slogan adopted for the conference was “Independence, by any means necessary.” Malcolm X and other Black activists in the diaspora would hear and popularize this slogan.
Furthermore, Babu was a close friend and comrade of Malcolm X. They first met in July 1964 at the second summit of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in Cairo, Egypt. Later when Malcolm visited Tanzania it was Babu who introduced him to other governments officials and when Babu came to Harlem, Malcolm introduced him to the activist community. It was radical African leaders such as Babu who helped push Malcolm to the Left after his departure from the Nation of Islam. In his final months, Malcolm would claim “the system of capitalism needs some blood to suck” so it wasn't a shock to him that “all of the countries that are emerging today from under the shackles of colonialism are turning toward socialism.”
Babu’s international organizing was directly connected to his political work in Zanzibar. The ZNPs rival was the Afro-Shiriza Party (ASP), a British backed right wing formation that used the slogan “Uhuru Zuia” (Kiswahili for ‘stop the move to independence’). Although Babu and others promoted a progressive anti-imperialist platform in the ZNP, by mid-1963 reactionary forces exacerbated long standing racial tensions between Africans and Arabs on the island to gain the upper hand in the organization. Therefore, months before Zanzibar gained independence in December 1963, Babu co-founded the revolutionary socialist Ummah Party.
The party’s creation was a correct analysis of the potentially revolutionary conditions. On January 12th 1964, the unemployed and oppressed youth of Zanzibar rose up in spontaneous rebellion. The Ummah Party leadership used its organizing experience and training in Cuba to teach the youth revolutionary tactics and gain leadership of the insurrection. The Ummah party and disaffected youth removed the Sultan from power. This was Africa’s first successful revolution to overthrow neocolonialism.
After these game changing events, Frank Carlucci, a US state department official, openly stated that US policy was to prevent Zanzibar from becoming the “Cuba of Africa from which sedition would have spread to the continent.” A few days later, officer mutinies in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanganyika fed into US fears about a communist conspiracy. One US state department memo asserts “our central purpose is to strengthen Nyerere” (the new President of Tanganyika). Then as the US had hoped, if not outright engineered, Nyerere asked the British for military assistance to put down the officer mutinies. The US fundamentally thought he, Nyerere, was a leader they could control. After several private meetings in May 1964 , the US, Nyerere, and right wing leaders in Zanzibar engineered an Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union. The union transferred most major foreign and domestic policy decisions to mainland Tangayika and away from the revolutionary forces who captured state power in Zanzibar.
Although Nyerere is considered to be one of the African continents most progressive independence leaders, history presents a different story. He promoted a unique brand of ‘African socialism’ based on the notion of a communal, classless traditional African society. His economic policies of ‘self-reliance’ led to Tanzania having a food surplus to importer of food. Babu, on the other hand, saw no contradiction between Pan Africanism and scientific socialism. For him, socialism was not based on a traditional African past or even the Soviet Union but the social conditions in contemporary Africa. In addition, unlike Nyerere who associated with the moderate gradualist in the Monrovia group, Babu supported the immediate unification of Africa.
After the Tanganyika-Zanzibar union he was appointed to what were in his opinion powerless positions in government primarily in order to watch him. He and his comrades functioned as the Left within the Tanzanian government shaping several of the regimes perceived progressive policies. But in 1972, following the murder of the President of Zanzibar, Babu was arbitrarily incarcerated by the allegedly progressive Julius Nyerere. It was because of an international campaign under the leadership of people like the Guyanese and Pan African freedom fighter Walter Rodney that Babu was released after six years.
Babu’s life is a reflection of the dialectical method he adopted in his life and work. His political work is an example of someone who found a fundamental unity in what appears to be opposing tendencies. He was a Zanzibarian Nationalist and a staunch internationalist. He claimed that Socialism would come through African unity and vice versa. He was miltant and uncompromising but argued radicals had to address the bread and butter issues of people. In conclusion, one of the major lessons of his life we should take away is encapsulated in the slogans of the 7th Pan African Congress he co-organized in Kampala, Uganda in 1994: ‘Resist Recolonisation’ and ‘Don’t Aganise, organize!”
Babu, A.M. 1981. African Socialism or Socialist Africa. London: Zed Press
Ed. Salma Babu & Amrit Wilson. 2002. The Future That Works: The Selected Writings of A.M. Babu. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press.
Campbell, Horace. “Abdulrahman Mohammed Babu 1924-1996 A Personal Memoir” African Journal of Political Science (1996), Vol. 1 No. 2, 240-246.
Wilson, Amrit. 1989. US Foreign Policy and Revolution: The Creation of Tanzania. Winchester, MA: Pluto Press.
____________. “Abdul Rahman Mohamed Babu: Politician, Scholar, and Revolutionary” The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol. 1 No. 9, August 2007.
____________. 2013. The Threat of Liberation: Imperialism and Revolution in Zanzibar. New York: Pluto Press.
Thursday, January 9, 2014
The January 1st edition of the Washington Post published an Op-Ed titled “The Resurgent Progressives.” The writer, E.J. Dionne, claims “the emergence of a Democratic left will be one of the major stories of 2014.” The author bemoans the rightward shift in American politics and admits the US “needs a real Left.” But do progressive local referendums, the ascendancy of individuals like Sen. Elizabeth Warren, and NYC mayor Bill De Blasio represent the “the real Left.” Hmm, I don’t think so. Once upon a time these figures would have been, at best, referred to as liberals even moderates by some.
Although the terms Left and Right are regularly applied in the white corporate media, they are rarely defined. Throughout most of the twentieth century, particularly the Cold War, “the Left” meant some form of socialism, communism, or anarchism. We should return to this definition. The central unifying factor of the “The Left” should be anti-capitalism. Speaking only of income inequality just. doesn't. quite. cut it. “The Left” must question private ownership itself and demand a complete redistribution of land and wealth including, but not limited to, the nationalization of banks, factories, and communications systems etc.
As previously stated, this was once the criteria. For example, Howard Zinn claims that one hundred years ago in 1914 the Socialist Party USA had over 1200 office-holders in the US. Twenty years later, during the era of the popular front, Robert Cohen in When the Old Left was Young writes that in 1936 half of all college students in this country participated in a one day strike and rally to protest fascism and war. At the height of the anti-war movement in 1970, over 10,000 people gathered in Philadelphia for the Revolutionary People's Convention to write a new US constitution. The keynote speaker was Black revolutionary, Huey Newton. These are examples of a truly insurgent Left.
None of those remarks are meant to belittle the accomplishments, impact, and possibilities of the liberal policy's that have been enacted. A case in point, eighteen states have legalized gay marriage, Washington and Colorado legalized marijuana, and like other municipalities, Washington DC has raised its minimum wage to $11.50. Similar to industrial unionism in the 1930s, if the SEIU and other labor unions commit hundreds, perhaps, thousands of young organizers to organize fast food, low wage workers there could be a strong multi-national labor movement in the US. The beacons of hope for a truly resurgent Left are socialist alternative city council woman Kshama Sawant in Seattle, WA and Revolutionary Black Nationalist Chokwe Lumumba in Jackson, MS. But what does a truly resurgent Left mean for the Black Liberation movement?
In Reluctant Reformers Robert Allen argues that US social reform movements from abolitionism to labor has been sabotaged by racism/white supremacy. Unfortunately, due to the ongoing impact of the southern strategy perfected by Ronald Reagan AND the Democratic party, racism hurts the chances of the success of multi-racial organizations even today. Moreover, it illustrates the continued relevance of Left Nationalist formation(s) (ex: African Blood Brotherhood, Black Panthers, MXGM). Following the strategy laid out in the Jackson Plan of participatory and economic democracy, the election of Chokwe Lumumba offers possibilities and potential lessons for "The Left" generally and the Black Left in particular. With the correct definition and strategy for "The Left" we can organize to smash capitalism and end national oppression, once and for all.
Sunday, July 7, 2013
In 1961 sociologist E. Franklin Frazier wrote “We have no philosophers…who have reflected upon the fundamental problems which have always concerned philosophers such as the nature of human knowledge and the meaning of human existence.” To a large extent, this lack of engagement with philosophy, among intellectuals AND organizers, has produced several misunderstandings that has even led to fratricidal violence. For example, the fact that many Pan Africanist do not have a grounding in philosophy has had a negative impact on ideological struggle in the movement. This article is a corrective that will, hopefully, provide a brief history and understanding of the nature of the two-line struggle in the Pan African community.
Kwame Nkrumah stated that two worldviews have existed in human history: materialism and idealism. Another fancy, academic GRE word for this concept is ontology. Ontology asks the question ‘what is the fundamental nature of reality’ or ‘what is real’? Idealists assert that ‘ideas’, ‘consciousness’, or ‘spirit’ are the fundamental reality. For example, in her book Yurugu Marimba Ani declares “spirit is primary!,” similar to Hegel in The Philosophy of History who explained that a ‘universal spirit’ or 'consciousness' is primary. Although they represent two very different set of political interests and constituency’s, when it comes to ontology, they share the philosophical viewpoint of idealism. A few notable African idealists are Marimba Ani, Cedric Robinson, Molefi Asante, Mwalimu Baruti, Asa Hillard, and Marcus Garvey. Western idealists include Plato, Friedrich Hegel, and Gerald Massey.
However, materialists claim that ‘matter’, ‘nature’, or the ‘physical world’ that humans perceive with their senses (taste, touch, sight, hear, smell) are real. Ideas, in the materialist conception, are principally a reflection of ‘matter’ or the ‘physical world.’ Of course, several African materialists were scientific socialists influenced by Karl Marx and Fredrich Engels but, as Theophile Obenga in African Philosophy and S. Radhakrishnan in Indian Philosophy Vol 1. demonstrate, philosophical materialism as a distinct school of thought existed in African and other non-western societies prior to the development of Western philosophy. African materialist include Kwame Nkrumah, Fred Hampton, George Jackson, Huey Newton, Claudia Jones, Kwame Ture, Thomas Sankara, Amilcar Cabral, and Walter Rodney.
Robert Alexander in his Ethiopian Manifesto (1829) was the first to articulate a form of idealism called Ethiopianism. The doctrine originates in a biblical prophecy from Psalm 68:31 “Princes shall come out of Egypt and Ethiopia shall soon stretch forth her hands unto God.” Ethiopianist believe that Egypt (Kmt) and Ethiopia (Kush) were great ancient African civilizations and that soon the Western world will fall and Black people will once again be leaders in world civilization. Ethiopianism was influenced by romanticism. Romanticism was a European reaction to the Enlightenment which asserts that each race or nation has its own unique characteristics and should follow its own model of development. For example, Alexander Crummell was an Ethiopianist who emigrated to West Africa in the nineteenth century and a self-described Platonist. He stated “The Negro Problem in the US is a problem of ideas...there is a present, but fleeting move to give it the respect of materialism.”
By the early twentieth century, the ideological struggle began to intensify. In 1914, Hubert Harrison left the Socialist Party(SP) claiming that rhetorically the SP was class first but, in fact, has “insisted on Race first, and class after.” Later, he would give Marcus Garvey one of his first platforms at a major speaking event in NYC and become co-editor of the Negro World. Eventually, he broke with Garvey over, what was in Harrison’s view, utopian idealism. While espousing a race first philosophy, Harrison remained committed to historical materialism.
The UNIA, under the leadership of the Honorable Marcus Mosiah Garvey, was the largest mass movement of Africans in history, before and since. The ideology of the UNIA, African Fundamentalism, was a direct descendant of Ethiopainism urging Africans to pursue ‘racial independence’ in art, politics, and all areas of life in order that a fallen people will rise to their original greatness. At its core, the UNIA was a spiritual/political movement that attempted to engender in its adherents a mental transformation and cultural return to Africa.
In addition to Harrison, the UNIA had major disagreements with the African Blood Brotherhood (ABB). The ABB was a scientific socialist organization whose objective was to establish an independent Black state in the US. The debate became so hostile, that the ABB disrupted the second international convention of the UNIA. Following the merger of the ABB with the communist party (CPUSA), there were regular street brawls between Garveyites and the CPUSA in Harlem in the 1930s. In fact, in 1930, one physical altercation led to the death of a Black communist, Alfred Levy. Therefore, there was a historical precedent for the shootings at UCLA between the US organization and BPP in 1969. The ideas of Garveyites and Communists influenced later generations of Black Power advocates and independence leaders.
Similar to the US, the African continent experienced the two-line ideological struggle. The principle debate was between scientific socialist and those who advocated African socialism and Negritude such as Leopold Senghor. Senghor, the first president of Senegal, asserted that prior to slavery and colonialism Africans practiced communalism whereby land and resources were shared, therefore, they do not need to adopt the ideas of Karl Marx but instead must return to the source. Furthermore, according to Negritude, all people of African descent, regardless of time and space, have a spiritual/metaphysical connection which facilitates a shared cultural value system. Negritude is influenced by surrealism. Surrealism was an early twentieth century artistic and political movement originating in France that was critical of western rationality and instead emphasized the subconscious, imagination, and emotion as a means to human emancipation.
Ahmed Sekou Toure, was a revolutionary leader of Guinea-Conakry who in 1958 rejected membership in the French community and in 1961 expelled the Soviet ambassador. He was critical of the Negritude ideology promoted in 1966 at the Festival of Negro Arts organized in Dakar. Toure claimed “the serious mistake of the champions of Negritude is that they underestimate the very determinant force of the environment and historical facts on man’s thought and reflexes.” Toure argued Negritude built upon a white definition of Blackness which stated Africans are irrational and savage. Instead, history, not skin color, should form the basis of the African personality. Therefore, in Toure’s view, Negritude is an “imperialist ideology.”
As long as Black people inside and outside the US have a common experience of global white supremacy and international capitalism, then unity on Pan African lines will continue to be a historical necessity. Because a similar experience of oppression does not always produce a general agreement among a group, it is hoped that this article will add some ideological clarity minus the traditional condescension and acrimony.
In the twenty first century, old categories such as ‘cultural nationalists vs. revolutionary nationalists’, ‘class vs. race’, and ‘culture vs. economics’ are increasingly irrelevant, if they ever really were accurate. Those who argue that culture and white supremacy are the primary factors in the oppression of Black people are philosophical idealists. On the other hand, philosophical materialists view culture and national identities as primarily determined by history and social environment but, still yet, a cultural revolution is required in order to ensure the long-term success of a liberation movement.
Unfortunately, this article cannot cover the totality of a century old debate that cuts across the Black world but, as a wave of radical activism sweeps the globe, it is imperative Africans in the millennial generation have a basic knowledge of the history and scope of the two line struggle.
A Luta Continua! (The struggle continues!)
Conscienism by Kwame Nkrumah
Revolution, Culture & Pan Africanism by Ahmed Sekou Toure
“A Dialectical Approach to Culture” by Ahmed Sekou Toure
African Socialism or Socialist Africa by Muhammad Babu
Return to the Source by Amilcar Cabral
“Marxism and African Liberation” by Walter Rodney
“Tanzanian Ujamaa and Scientific Socialism” by Walter Rodney
Walter Rodney Speaks by Walter Rodney
"Why I Changed My Ideology': Black Nationalism and Socialist Revolution," by Amiri Baraka Black World 24 (July 1975): 30-42.
Pan Africanism or Communism by George Padmore
“Materialist Philosophical Inquiry and African American Studies” by Jonathan H. McClendon
“In Defense of Materialism: A Critique of Afrocentric Ontology,” by Christopher Williams Race & Class 47(1), 35-48.
The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey by Marcus Garvey
Race First by Tony Martin
On African Socialism by Leopold Senghor
"Ujamaa – The Basis of African Socialism" by Julius Nyerere
"Ujamaa – The Basis of African Socialism" by Julius Nyerere
Pan Africanism in the Diaspora by Ronald Walters
“Marxist-Leninism and the Black Revolution” by Ronald Walters Black Bulletin Books Vol. 5, No. 3, Fall 1977
“Enemy from the White Left, White Right, & In-Between” by Haki Madhubuti Black World 23, 12, (October 74), 36-47.
“US, Kawiada, and the Black Liberation Movement in the 1960s” by Malauna Karenga in Engines of the Black Power Movement: Essays on the Influence of Civil Rights Actions, Arts, And Islam
Black Marxism by Cedric Robinson
Afrocentricity by Molefi Asante
Yurugu by Marimba Ani
Notes Toward Higher Ideals in Afrikan Intellectual Liberation by Mwalimu Baruti
Monday, January 7, 2013
Django Unchained is one of the most talked about films among Africans in the US. Any
film in which an enslaved African kills Europeans on screen is bound to
generate a favorable response in the Black community. At the same time, Africans have developed an
independent tradition of revolutionary art that stretches back to the
antebellum period. Of course, the
similarities among Black art over time are not the product of a metaphysical or
unconscious influence but instead primarily represent similar responses to the
same social environment.
In fact, two antebellum novels share a similar plot with Django. In 1852, Frederick Douglass published The Heroic Slave. A novel about an enslaved African who attempts to rescue his wife from enslavement then leads a successful revolt on a slave ship. Although Douglass is often likened to a nineteenth century non-violent MLK, in fact, he advocated armed rebellion in his speeches, this novel, and flirted with emigration to
in 1860. Haiti
A few years later, in 1861, Martin Delany published the novel Blake or the Huts of America. Blake is about an enslaved African who, after his wife is sold into enslavement in the
Caribbean, organizes an armed Black
revolution. In the course of his travels,
he organizes freedom fighters in the US South, Western Africa, and the Caribbean. Remember both of these novels were written
when slavery was the law of the land. What enterprising young Black filmmaker
will make a movie based on these novels written by two of our greatest
abolitionists? Only time will tell…..
If enslavement could not stop the production of revolutionary Black art neither could legal American apartheid. In 1899, Pan Africanist author Sutton Griggs wrote the militant novel Imperium in Imperio. Imperium is about a secret underground Black organization. The novel climaxes when the organization decides to takeover the
US navy and liberate Louisiana
form an independent Black state. To a
large extent, Griggs and his work have been forgotten but his attempt to create
a national Black literature lives on. Texas
The Black Power movement produced a cultural renaissance in creative expression that is still revered but has some overlooked aspects. The Lost Man (1969), Uptight (1969), The Spook Who Sat by the Door (1973), The River Niger (1976) are all feature length films which include Black radical organizations engaged in armed shootouts with the police. For example, the entire film Final Comedown (1972) starring Billie Dee Williams, is an armed shootout with the pigs wherein the main character has flashbacks to show how society pushed him to become a revolutionary.
The so called ‘blaxploitation’ period produced several films that could be considered revolutionary or reactionary. The film Boss Nigger, written and produced by a Black man, features a formerly enslaved Black Bounty hunter who arbitrarily makes himself sheriff of an all white town. The tagline of the film is “White Man’s Town, Black Man’s Law.” Hmmm, a Black bounty hunter who kills white people on screen…sounds eerily familiar.
Wednesday, November 14, 2012
After billions of dollars in campaign donations and thousands of negative ads, the 2012 elections left the legislative and executive branch virtually unchanged. The Obama campaign energized a coalition of Blacks, unions, white women, and Latino’s. As a matter of fact, the day after the election, several Latino groups stated explicitly that Obama owes his second term to them and should pass comprehensive immigration reform. Unlike in 2008, Black people should not be pacified with the symbolism of a Black president but must develop a set of tactics, strategies, and objectives to improve their deteriorating condition, particularly in the arena of mass incarceration.
In 1948, the US became a signature to the United Nations Declarations of Human Rights. Similar to previous generations, this document can be used to demonstrate the gross human rights violations against US Blacks. For instance, the 13th amendment to the US constitution states “neither slavery nor involuntary servitude except for crime whereof the party has been duly convicted shall exist within the United States.” In short, enslavement did not legally end in the US but was only regulated by the government. Mass incarceration is slavery.
This runs counter to article 4 of the UN Declaration which states “No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.” This means that not only is the United States Constitution in direct contradiction to the very notions of equality and freedom it claims to represent but international law as well.
Due to neoliberal economic policies over the past thirty years, prisons and other areas of social life have become increasingly privatized. For example, in 2010 two private management prison companies had a combined revenue of almost $3 billion. We should demand the immediate transfer of private prisons into public hands. In addition, a ‘New’ New Deal, that includes a guaranteed job for ALL including the formerly incarcerated. Specifically, we demand re-entry programs that provide a job and housing upon release from prison.
An organization that should be studied to achieve these objectives is the National Negro Congress. NNC was a united front composed of fraternal and religious groups, civil rights, unions, etc. under the leadership of the Black Left. In fact, the President and Executive Secretary were Communists. The primary tactics used were mass demonstrations and direct action. Their successes include the establishment of a civilian review board for District police, dealing a death blow to debt peonage, and no police murders of Blacks in DC during their high point of organizing against police brutality in 1938-39.
The inherent limitations of this strategy are obvious: ending neoliberalism does not end white supremacy or the economic system that created it and the UN is to a large extent controlled by major Western powers. But a critique of neoliberalism does provide space for a more thorough critique of capitalism and a human rights paradigm gives US Blacks a common framework and possibility for alliances with other oppressed people. In addition, this strategy allows us to publicize our case at the international level. The time of symbolism has ended and movement building has begun.
Friday, October 19, 2012
The 2008 financial collapse that began in the United States spread almost instantly to rest of the globe. Since the financial collapse, the resistance to the imposition of austerity measures has spread as well. For example, the Arab spring inspired the Indignado movement in Spain which motivated the white Left in the US to form the Occupy movement. Black people in the US must build upon their own history of internationalism in order to abolish the prison industrial complex.
For instance, internationalism was a regular feature of theabolitionist movement. After leaving Fredrick Douglas publication, the North Star, Black abolitionist Martin Delany held several conventions in the 1850s to decide a location for Black people to emigrate from the US. Also, he spoke to the Aleke or so called chief to set up trade between US Blacks and people in contemporary Nigeria. Finally, he traveled to Britain to build international support among abolitionists in Europe.
Almost a century later, Howard alumnus and professor, Alphaeus Hunton helped to lead the Civil Rights Congress. The CRC was a Black radical organization that protected the democratic and human rights of US Blacks. In 1951 they published and delivered to the United Nations “We Charge Genocide” a detailed portrait of the gross human rights violations against US Blacks.
Arguably, Black internationalism is one of the greatest threats to the US Empire. For example, during the anti communist Red scare several Black radicals were blacklisted, called in front of senatorial hearings and questioned about their political affiliations and, like Alphaeus Hunton, imprisoned. Great Black organizations such as the CRC, National Negro Congress, Southern Negro Youth Congress, and Council on African Affairs were destroyed and, worse yet, forgotten.
Perhaps most unfortunately, Black liberal organizations such as NAACP that adopted Black internationalism abandoned it once it was marked subversive by the US government. The NAACP adopted much of the Cold War rhetoric as well. This included condemning uncompromising former allies like Alphaeus Hunton who were prosecuted for their political beliefs
It is time to resurrect the spirit of Black internationalism! Several leaders in Latin America such as Guatemala and Costa Rica have expressed thier support for ending the war on drugs through decriminalization. This region is even more important because of the Left ward shift of its governments and the literally hundreds of millions of the Black people living in Central, South America, and Caribbean.
Due to the numerous embassies in Washington DC, Black students in the area are uniquely situated to build relationships with progressive governments. In addition, Black students in the NY area have access to the United Nations headquarters. Black internationalism will allow us to publicize the condition of Black people across the globe and bring the US on charges of human rights violations and Genocide. Only a few organizations have kept the flame of Black internationalism alive but now we must bring it back to the mainstream of Black political life.
Benjamin Woods is a student organizer and PhD candidate in Political Science at Howard University. His blog is free-the-land.blogspot.com. He can be reached at firstname.lastname@example.org
Friday, September 28, 2012
"There is but one evil party with two names, and it will be elected despite all I can do or say." -W..E.B. Dubois (1956)
“Places everyone, Places” we are entering the final act of political theatre. The Presidential debates indicate the eminent conclusion of the 2012 Presidential elections. This election season has been equally entertaining as any Broadway show. Whether it’s the pep rally/Sunday revival that is the nominating conventions or tragic-comedy of Mitt Romney’s comment regarding the “47%.” But ultimately what makes this election theatre is the fact that the political and economic system of this society has been structured to restrict the acceptable terms of debate. How did this happen?
For all those who remember the 2000 elections, in Florida, a controversy developed concerning which votes would be counted in one of the closest presidential elections in US history. After the case was sent to the Supreme Court, the justices in Gore v Bush decided “The individual citizen has no federal constitutional right to vote for electors for the President of the United States”. This judicial decision reminds US citizens that in this Republic, not democracy, the Electoral College determines the winner of the election. In short, voting is a privilege, not a right.
At the founding of the US, when this drama was written, only property owning white males could vote. Originally the US senate was decided by the state legislatures. In fact, in agreement with several framers of the US Constitution, James Madison in in Federalist Papers No. 10 explicitly states the he believes the masses should not enter politics because they would want to redistribute wealth. It wasn’t until Blacks, Women and other disenfranchised people engaged in dynamic social movements that they gained the privilege to vote. In a capitalist society, the poor are denied a voice.
More recently, the Supreme Court facilitated the corporate sponsorship of this theatrical production per the Citizens United case. This far sighted judicial decision allows corporations to spend unlimited amounts in election campaigns. Although in 2008 Obama received a record amount of small donations, he received many large donations that helped him reach the record setting $745 million. In a report titled “America for Sale” Sen. Bernie Sanders (D) states the Koch Brothers alone plan to give $400 million.
To a large extent, in 1972, following the Gary Convention, the Black movement began to shift its primary focus from militant grassroots organizing to electoral politics. This strategy has been a major error. The Black Movements primary focus should return to tactics such as the general strike, non-violent civil disobedience, and independent Black-led political organizations. Then, we can end the political theatre and get on the real show called: Liberation!